نوقف الإبادة الجماعية في
أنجلوس تايمز - 5/3/2007
إن عرض الجزرة الأمريكية
المتمثلة في الانسحاب من العراق
قد تكون أفضل طريقة لوقف
التطهير العرقي في العراق.
to stop genocide in Iraq
the carrot of U.S. withdrawal may be the best way to end
ethnic cleansing in Iraq.
Samantha Power, SAMANTHA POWER, a professor at
Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government, is
the author of the Pulitzer Prize-winning " 'A
Problem From Hell': America and the Age of Genocide."
WHO SUPPORT remaining in Iraq increasingly can be heard
invoking the specter of genocide as grounds for staying.
Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) warned that, if U.S. troops
leave, "You'll see a bloodletting in Baghdad that
makes Srebrenica look like a Sunday school picnic."
defenders of President Bush's approach, having backed
the Iraq war from the start, have now settled on
genocide warnings after each of their original
justifications for being in Iraq — weapons of mass
destruction, terrorism prevention, energy
diversification, regional stabilization and democracy
promotion — has crumbled one by one.
proponents of remaining in Iraq are not, in fact,
looking to redeem their own faulty judgment. They are
genuinely frightened that, as ferocious as the civil war
there has become, a U.S. withdrawal could unleash an
all-out slaughter. With increasing numbers of civilian
corpses piling up every day, they have reason to worry.
critics of withdrawal do a masterful job of painting a
grim picture of the apocalypse that awaits, they offer
no account of how U.S. forces in Iraq will do more than
preserve a status quo that is already deteriorating into
wholesale ethnic cleansing. Although more than 115,000
U.S. troops have been in Iraq for the last four years,
about 3.8 million Iraqis have fled their homes and at
least 50,000 Iraqis are fleeing each month. It would be
nice to think the surge of troops to Baghdad would help
to staunch the flow. But with only one-third of the new
troops on duty at any given time in a city of 6 million
people, they will have no more success deterring the
militias intent on carving out homogeneous Shiite or
Sunni neighborhoods than U.S. forces have had to date.
About 74% of Shiites polled and 91% of Sunnis — the
people who have the most to fear from genocide — would
like to see U.S. forces gone by the end of the year.
many of those who favor a U.S. exit have recklessly
waved off atrocity warnings or taken to blaming Iraqis
for their plight. What is needed to stave off even
greater carnage than we see today is neither assuming
massacres won't happen nor suspending thought until the
surge has demonstrably failed in six months — at which
point other options may no longer be viable. Rather, we
must announce our intention to depart and use the
intervening months to prioritize civilian protection by
pursuing a bold set of measures combining political
pressure, humanitarian relocation and judicial
although it has a familiar and thus unsatisfying ring to
it, the most viable long-term route to preventing mass
atrocities is to use remaining U.S. leverage to bring
about a political compromise that makes Iraqi Shiites,
Sunnis and Kurds feel economically stable, physically
secure and adequately represented in political
structures. This is consistent with the position of
leading U.S. generals and the members of the bipartisan
Iraq Study Group, who have stressed that there is no
military solution to Iraq's meltdown and urged the
administration, the Iraqis and regional players to
reopen broad-ranging political negotiations.
of simply lining up behind Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri
Maliki's government in the hopes that it will one day
decide to stop ethnic cleansing, recent withdrawal
proposals in Congress use the leverage of the proposed
redeployment to press Iraqis to reach a political
solution. A plan put forth by Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.)
has come under neoconservative fire for setting a target
departure date, but it provides for flexibility to
suspend the U.S. drawdown if Iraqis meet the key
economic, political and security benchmarks they have
committed to achieve this year. The plan would also
retain some U.S. forces in Iraq and the region to help
deter atrocities by sectarian militias and aggression
from Iraq's neighbors.
if this political pressure fails and U.S. forces remain
unable to stave off an ever-widening civil war, the U.S.
should go further and announce its willingness to assist
in the voluntary transport and relocation of Iraqi
civilians in peril. If Iraqis tell us that they would
feel safer in religiously homogenous neighborhoods, and
we lack the means to protect them where they are, we
should support and protect them in their voluntary,
peaceful evacuation — a means, one might say, to
preempt genocide in advance of our departure.
administration must help secure asylum for those Iraqis
— and there are millions who fit this bill — who
have a "well-founded fear of persecution." At
the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees' conference
scheduled for April, which will be attended by Jordan,
Iran, Iraq, Syria and the United States, the
overburdened countries of first asylum (Syria is
sheltering 1 million Iraqis; Jordan has taken in
700,000) must be persuaded to reopen their gates to
fleeing Iraqis. And Western countries must dramatically
expand the number of resettlement slots for Iraqis.
Astoundingly, the U.S. took in just 202 Iraqis last year
and, although the maximum for this year was recently
raised to 7,000, this is still not sufficient.
if we are serious about preventing further sectarian
horrors, the U.S. must send a clear signal to the
militias and political leaders who order or carry out
atrocities that they will be brought to justice for
their crimes. That means offering belated U.S. support
to the International Criminal Court, the only credible,
independent body with the jurisdiction to prosecute
crimes against humanity and genocide.
those who say U.S. troops should stay in Iraq to prevent
genocide are the same people who for political reasons
refuse to acknowledge the gravity of the calamity
unfolding on our watch. The same people who modeled a
war on best-case scenarios are now resisting ending a
war by invoking worst-case scenarios. But after years of
using the alleged needs of the Iraqi people to justify
U.S. political postures, it is long past time to use the
leverage we still have to actually advance Iraqi welfare.
لهذه المقالات لا يعني أنها
تعبر عن وجهة نظر المركز كلياً
من حق الزائر الكريم أن ينقل وأن ينشر كل ما يعجبه من موقعنا . معزواً إلينا ، أو غير معزو .ـ